THE PILL GOES PUBLIC
In March, 1914, a new
publication circulated in New York: The
Rebel Woman. The front page set a feisty tone:
“Why
the Rebel Woman?
Because I believe that deep
down in woman’s nature lies slumbering the spirit of revolt. Because I believe
that woman is enslaved by the world machine, by sex conventions, by motherhood
and its present necessary child-rearing, by wage slavery, by middle-class
morality, by customs, laws, and superstitions. Because I believe that woman’s
freedom depends upon awakening that spirit of revolt within her against these
things that enslave her…”
This was the opening
salvo by the most ardent promoter of birth control in the U.S., Margaret
Sanger. She was one of 11 children whose mother survived 18 pregnancies only to
perish soon after from tuberculosis. Margaret attended nursing school but
married an architect before finishing. The couple migrated to New York City
where Margaret gravitated to Greenwich Village and was introduced to labor
activism, socialism, and women’s movements. At the same time she worked as a
visiting nurse on the Lower East Side where she confronted poverty-stricken
families with large numbers of children, mothers ignorant of contraceptive
methods and venereal disease, and deaths from illegal abortions. The result was
The Woman Rebel, a blend of demands for
contraception, socialism, and labor activism. After a trip to Europe where she
met Havelock Ellis, Malthusians, and other social thinkers, and (like Marx)
read a good deal in the British Library, she returned with a sharper focus:
birth control as a means of easing poverty and allowing women greater
independence in their sex lives. Soon she added eugenic benefits to her
platform.
Margaret Sanger |
In fact, though, the
birth rate in the U.S. had been falling since 1800. By 1900 the average family
had just over 3 children and by 1936 the birth rate was a little below the
replacement rate. Birth control was being practiced, though quietly and mainly
by the middle class. President Teddy Roosevelt even commented on “race
suicide”, fearing that the immigrant classes were out-breeding the more
“desirable” ones.
Margaret opened a birth control clinic and published material
on contraception, leading her into conflict with the law, namely the Federal Comstock
Act. The Act, from 1873, prohibited the mailing of lewd and obscene
publications, prints or pictures, contraceptive articles, and advertisements
for and information about contraception. The law was so influential that in WWI
American soldiers went to Europe without a condom supply, the only Allied
troops without such armor. The resultant venereal disease rate was severe (Mil.
Med. 1918,42: 568-70). Through the next two decades the Act was weakened through
several court cases, often involving the combative Sanger, that broadened the
escape clause allowing contraceptive advice and devices “for the health of the mother”.
A 1936 Federal Appeals Court case modified this to permit contraceptive
advice by “conscientious and competent physicians for the purpose of saving
life or promoting the well being of their patients”. Congress, though, did not
remove language about contraception from the Act until 1971.
Where was the medical
profession during all this? Far behind, is the answer. Major concerns that held
organized medicine back were a lack of studies of efficacy and safety of
contraceptive devices, an aversion to alliance with groups that used headline
grabbing for effect, a feeling that contraception was associated with abortion,
worries about conflict with the law, and often moral distaste for the subject.
There were, of course, proponents of birth control, including Abraham Jacobi,
the “father” of American Pediatrics. The most influential advocate was Robert
L. Dickinson, a prominent gynecologist. In his 1920 presidential address to the
Amer. Soc. Ob Gyn he urged the Society to address contraception, pointing out
the extreme medical ignorance on the subject and even asking “What, indeed, is
normal sex life?” (Am J Ob Gyn 1920,1:6).
He pleaded for studies and information, but little happened. In 1923 he
established doctor-staffed clinics in seven New York hospitals to dispense
contraceptive advice, but few women showed up, apparently preferring the less
threatening Sanger-type clinic. He also sent out questionnaires to New York
members probing knowledge of contraception (Am J Ob Gyn 1924, 7:266-7). The AMA
noted that their opinions “vary as much as those of laymen” (JAMA 1924, 83:
2020-1). Dickinson then attempted to work with Sanger’s clinic as the only
place where proper data could be secured, but the medical establishment would
not cooperate unless she relinquished control, which she refused to do.
In 1932 Leo Latz,
a practitioner in Chicago, published “The
Rhythm of Fertility and Sterility in Women”, a book citing an 8 day period
when intercourse should be avoided, to avoid conception. The advice was based
on recently completed studies of ovulation times by Oniga and Krause showing
that ovulation occurred between 16 and 12 days from the onset of menses. Latz’s
approach became known as the “rhythm method”. But it, too, was imperfect.
In 1936, after
years of no progress, the AMA appointed a new committee to study contraception.
The new committee was more accommodating, recognized the widespread use of
contraception, and opined that planning the number and spacing of children
would contribute to the health and well-being of a family. Prescriptions for
such devices should be given under medical supervision, though, and principles
of birth control and fertility should be taught in medical schools (JAMA June
26, 1937, p2204). The AMA was finally aboard.
By the end of WWII contraception in the
U.S. was widely accepted. Margaret Sanger’s clinics, now morphed into Planned
Parenthood clinics, were common.
In this setting
Margaret Sanger in 1950, now aged 70, approached a biologist, Gregory Pincus, about
the possibility of an easy-to-take medicine for birth control, preferably a
pill. Pincus, raised in the Woodbine Colony, a kibbutz-like Jewish farming
settlement in New Jersey had risen to secure a biology research position at
Harvard. His first breakthrough was to fertilize a rabbit egg in vitro and produce offspring. Screaming headlines announced the
finding, comparing it to Brave New World
and other scenarios. Next he fertilized an egg without sperm, generating more
headlines. For reasons never made clear, but perhaps related to the glaring
publicity and being Jewish, he was dropped from the Harvard staff, couldn’t
find another job, and, with much effort and outside help, started his own
research institute, the Worcester Foundation for Experimental Biology. With the
help of M.C. Chang, a talented researcher and close companion, the Institute
grew.
At the meeting
with Sanger Pincus said yes, he thought a pill was possible.
To help funding, Sanger enlisted another
formidable feminist (and friend), Katharine McKormick. McKormick was one of the
first women to graduate from MIT and had married Stanley McKormick, heir to the
International Harvester fortune. Tragically, Stanley developed schizophrenia
and remained intractably ill the rest of his life. Katherine did not divorce
and pursued a number of women’s rights issues, including birth control. Her
husband died in 1947, leaving her a fortune, some of which funded the project
under Pincus. Planned Parenthood and Searle also contributed.
Pincus focused on the
Searle product, norethynodrel He turned to John Rock, a prominent gynecologist
at Harvard, who had been using progesterone to try and induce pregnancy. He was
a perfect ally - a respected Harvard physician, interested in contraception,
and a Catholic. In his practice he encountered enough women who feared having
more children to believe that contraception had a role in women’s health. He
agreed to help. Trials on his patients confirmed suppression of ovulation, but
larger numbers were needed.
So Pincus turned to Puerto Rico (and Haiti)
where the birth rate was high and the population poor. Studies there confirmed
the safety of the pill, that a small amount of estrogen enhanced the effect,
and that various menstrual disorders were improved. With these data Searle approached
the FDA and received approval of their drug, Enovid, for treatment of
amenorrhea, dysmenorrhea, and menorrhagia in 1957. No mention was made of
contraception. Further studies in Puerto Rico confirmed its ability to prevent
pregnancy and be safe, and FDA approval was obtained for contraception in May,
1960, though limiting its use to two years, allowing further studies to be
done. Ortho-Novum, using the Syntex product, came next. The Pill, and the
Sixties, were born.
In addition to the
above references, works consulted were:
Reed, J. The Birth Control Movement and American
Society, 1984.
Kennedy, David. Birth Control in America. 1970
Engelman, Peter. A
History of the Birth Control Movement in America. 2011
Eig, Jonathan. The Birth of the Pill. 2012.
Baker, Jean. Margaret Sanger: A Life of Passion.
2011.